HU Wenhui: How to Get Through the Garbage Time of History

Chinese thinkers believe that everything is beyond redemption

Hu Wenhui, senior media writer and historian

History, like sport games, inevitably has many periods of garbage time. When that moment comes, the outcome is already determined, and the defeat is beyond recovery. No matter how hard one tries, it is merely a futile struggle, and the only option left is to strive for as dignified an exit as possible.

A few days ago, perhaps because I read a post or two about the Brezhnev era, a thought surfaced in my mind: the garbage time of history.

Yes, history, garbage time, the garbage time of history.

During Brezhnev's nearly two-decade rule (1964-1982), the new Tsarist Empire was expanding on all fronts, even to the point of seemingly overshadowing Uncle Sam. But today, with the advantage of hindsight, it's easy to see that this colossus with feet of clay was only outwardly strong, while internally, it was riddled with problems. Especially after the 1979 invasion of Afghanistan, the entire empire sank into a quagmire. It could be said that the upheaval in Eastern Europe in 1989 and the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 began in 1979.

I would not shy away from saying subjectively that after 1979, it was the Soviet Union’s garbage time, and Gorbachev merely expedited the end of that garbage time.

I believe that the term "garbage time of history" applies not only to Russia's history, nor solely to contemporary history.

Let’s first look at the final paragraph of Chen Yinke's Draft History of Tang Dynasty’s Politics: "After the Xiantong period, with the Nanzhao invading the borders, the Tang dynasty's finances and internal turmoil were akin to the 'Liao Tribute' and the peasant uprisings at the end of the Ming dynasty. This is indeed a notable example of the interconnection between external invasions and internal strife. After Huang Chao ravaged the wealthy southeastern regions and Shi Pu cut off the transport routes along the Bian River, the Tang royal family, which had relied on the economic strength of the southeast and the cultural support of the imperial examination system, inevitably fell. Historians trace the rebellion of Pang Xun to the invasion of Nanzhao, as Xun's base was precisely at the strategic throat of the Bian River route. Thus, Song Zijing said, 'The Tang fell due to Huang Chao, but the disaster began in Guilin.' Alas! Will future readers of history also be moved by these words?"

The phrase "The Tang Dynasty fell due to Huang Chao, but the disaster began in Guilin" comes from Song Qi, the author of The New Tang History's account of Nanzhao. It suggests that although the Tang dynasty ultimately fell to Zhu Wen's usurpation in 907, it in fact began its decline with Huang Chao's rebellion in 878, or even as early as Pang Xun's rebellion in 868. Chen Yinke emphasized that these rebellions destroyed the southeastern economy and severed the north-south transportation routes, causing the Tang dynasty to lose its economic foundation. This adds modern empirical support to Song Qi's statement.

From this perspective, after 868, and especially after 878, it was the garbage time of the Tang dynasty.

Now, let’s look at the conclusion of Huang Renyu's 1587: A Year of No Significance: "1587, the fifteenth year of the Wanli reign, appeared to be a time of peace and tranquility, with nothing noteworthy happening on the surface. In reality, however, our great Ming Empire had already reached the end of its development. At this point, whether the emperor worked diligently or indulged in pleasure, whether the chief ministers ruled with authority or moderation, whether the senior generals were creative or complacent, whether the civil officials were honest or corrupt, whether the thinkers were radically progressive or absolutely conservative—the end result, regardless of good or evil, was that none could achieve meaningful progress in their endeavors. Some fell from grace, some tarnished their reputations, and some lost both. Therefore, our story can only end here in tragedy. The annals of 1587, the fifteenth year of Wanli, are nothing more than a complete record of failure."

In Huang Renyu's view, 1587, the fifteenth year of Wanli, marked the end of Ming dynasty history. According to his "macro history" perspective, the implication is that Chinese history ended at the same time. What followed, including the 300 years of the Qing dynasty, lost their historical "meaning" and were merely the garbage time of history.

Long ago, I wrote an essay titled A Critique of Huang Renyu's "Macro History" in which I challenged his historical perspective, but I won't go into detail here. I just want to emphasize one point: designating 1587 as the year of the Ming dynasty's end is clearly too early. After all, following this, the Ming dynasty still had the strength to wage wars on three fronts: the Ningxia Campaign (1592), the Korean Campaigns (1592-1593, 1597-1598), and the Bozhou Campaign (1599-1600), collectively known as the "Three Great Expeditions of the Wanli Era." These three hard-fought battles were generally victories, and the Ming's military performance was at least better than the Soviet Union’s in Afghanistan.

So, when did the Ming dynasty reach the point of no return? Perhaps a more reasonable turning point would be 1630, when Yuan Chonghuan was executed. From 1630, when the Ming dynasty essentially "destroyed its own Great Wall," to 1644, when the Chongzhen Emperor hanged himself on Coal Hill, that was the Ming dynasty's garbage time.

Of course, throughout history, both ancient and modern, and across the world, there are countless examples like this. After the fall of the Western Zhou, King Ping moved the capital east to Luoyang, a period known as the Eastern Zhou, but in reality, it was a small country in terms of power, comparable to today’s Vatican—though the Eastern Zhou nominally lasted more than 500 years, it was essentially the garbage time of the Zhou dynasty! After the coup at Gaoping Tomb (249), when Sima Yi wiped out the power of Cao Wei, the period from then until the abdication of Cao Huan (266) was naturally the garbage time of Cao Wei. After the Battle of Sekigahara (1600), when Tokugawa Ieyasu's victory was assured, the period until the seppuku of Toyotomi Hideyori at Osaka Castle (1615) was the garbage time of the Toyotomi regime.

History, like competitions, inevitably has periods of garbage time. When the overall situation is set, and defeat is inevitable, no matter how hard one tries, it’s just a futile struggle, and all that remains is to end with as much dignity as possible.

So, how should those unfortunate enough to live through garbage time conduct themselves? Should they go down with the garbage of history?

I believe that while the grand narrative of history is one thing, the smallness of the individual is another. In the garbage time of history, while individuals may be politically powerless, there is still room for them to live freely in their personal lives and in the realm of culture.

In fact, given the long span of Chinese history, Chinese people have a wealth of experience in coping with garbage time. Confucius once said, "When the Way prevails in the world, show yourself; when the Way does not prevail, hide." This is indeed a saying full of wisdom about how to navigate life. The "hide" in "hide when the Way does not prevail" may sound classical, but in modern terms, it’s akin to what we now call "lying flat". To borrow a concept from American economist Albert Hirschman, it can also be seen as "exit"—when "voice" no longer works, individuals can only choose to "exit." Whether it’s "hide," "lying flat," or "exit," these can all be viewed as a form of rejection of garbage time.

We all know that Japanese TV drama Long Vacation—sometimes in life, when things aren’t going well, there’s no need to force yourself to work hard. Just treat it as a long vacation granted by the gods. So, if you encounter garbage time in history, just exit. Treat the garbage time of history as a long cultural vacation.

Thus, we see that during the garbage time of the Tang dynasty, disillusioned poets like Pi Rixiu, failed scholars like Lu Guimeng and Luo Yin, and those who fled to the Western Shu like Wei Zhuang and Han Wo, all found their own long vacations, shining with a unique cultural brilliance.

Lu Xun once said in The Crisis of Essays, "At the end of the Tang dynasty, the poetic style declined, but essays shone brightly. Yet, Luo Yin’s Book of Slander was almost entirely about resistance and indignation; Pi Rixiu and Lu Guimeng, though considered hermits by themselves and others, never forgot the world in their essays in Pizi Wensou and Lizhi Congshu. They were the brilliance and sharpness that shone through a muddy swamp." Even poetry, which Lu Xun regarded as less impressive, was not without its merits. In my Anti-Book Reviews, I wrote: "From Zizhi Tongjian, the end of the Tang appears as a dark world, but through poetry, it becomes a splendid world. Both records are true. It was an era split into two worlds: the darkest and the most brilliant. A historical parallel universe. Perhaps because the political world was so dark, the era needed excessively brilliant literature. Some individuals became the interface between this historical parallel universe—the darkest and the most brilliant worlds. Take Han Wo, for example. In the dark political world, he was a loyal minister, moving against the times; in the brilliant literary world, he was a writer of romantic poetry, celebrating with the era." These words can also be applied to describe the Tang dynasty's garbage time, which was simultaneously a long cultural vacation.

Similarly, during the garbage time of the Ming dynasty, in that era pronounced by Huang Renyu as having "reached the end of its development," scholars and heroes wrote a chapter of romantic history alongside the beauties of the Qinhuai River: the separation and reunion of Hou Fangyu and Li Xiangjun early on inspired Kong Shangren's The Peach Blossom Fan; Mao Xiang left behind Yingmei’an Yiyu for Dong Xiaowan; Wu Weiye left behind Old Recollections of the Qin River and Listening to Bian Yujing Play the Zither for Bian Yujing; and Yu Huai’s Banqiao Miscellaneous Notes is practically a collective biography of the beauties of Qinhuai. In his preface, Yu Huai firmly declared: "This is the fate of a generation, the emotions of a thousand autumns, and not just a record of brothels or a transmission of licentious tales." Even the legendary stories of Qian Qianyi and Liu Rushi, Gong Dingzi and Gu Hengbo, continued to inspire great historians in the 20th century: Chen Yinke wrote Biography of Liu Rushi, and Meng Sen wrote Study of Gu Hengbo. This romanticism, this long cultural vacation, is also a shining moment in the history of the Ming dynasty and even in Chinese cultural history.

The development of history and the development of culture are not always synchronized, nor do they end simultaneously. Often, cultural outbursts lag behind historical events. This is why, even when history enters garbage time, it can still produce a long vacation for culture.